Baghdad– Iran has given more autonomy to its commanders militia in iraqAllowing some groups to operate without Tehran’s approval, a change driven by pressure warThree militia members and two other officials told The Associated Press.
Many Iran-backed militias are funded through the Iraqi state budget and included within the security apparatus, leading to criticism from the United States and other countries that have borne the brunt of their attacks and said Baghdad Has failed to adopt a tough stance.
Despite increasing US pressure, Baghdad has struggled to control or contain the groups. The most radical factions now operate under Iranian advisers using a decentralized command structure, five officials told the AP, each speaking on condition of anonymity because they could speak freely about sensitive matters.
“Different forces have been given the authority to operate according to their own area assessments without reference to central command,” said a militia officer, who was not authorized to speak publicly.
war The weakness of Iraq’s state institutions in the Middle East and their limited ability to rein in these groups has been exposed. Parallel confrontations between Washington and the militias have deepened the crisis, with factions acting as extensions of Iran’s regional campaign and increasing attacks on US assets in Iraq. weak ceasefire Agreement was reached in April
Even if the ceasefire agreement holds, Washington is expected to step up efforts militarily and politically against the groups, especially as they gain more freedom to operate independently, officials and experts said. On Friday, the US imposed sanctions on seven commanders and senior members of four hardline Iran-backed Iraqi militia groups.
“The United States still feels it has the freedom of action to attack Iraqi militias,” said Michael Knights, head of research at geopolitical risk consulting firm Horizon Engage and an adjunct fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. “This could serve as an effort to try and guide the formation of a less militia-dominated government.”
few days of war spark by US and Israeli attacks on Iran On February 28, an Iranian delegation arrived in the Kurdish region of Iraq and delivered a clear message: If militia attacks near US military bases, commercial interests, and diplomatic missions increase, Iraqi Kurdish officials should not come to Tehran with complaints, because there is little they can do about it.
“They said they have handed over authority to regional Iranian commanders,” a senior Iraqi Kurdish government official said, speaking on condition of anonymity citing the sensitivity of the topic.
In the past, Kurdish leaders in Iraq would call Iranian officials after attacks and ask why they had been targeted. “This time, they wanted to get away by saying, ‘We can’t help you with the groups in the south right now,'” the official said.
This change reflects the lessons learned from 12 day war in juneThe officer said. Militia officials confirmed the claim. During that war, operations were strictly centralized. As a result, greater autonomy was granted to the region.
A spokesman for Harakat Hezbollah al-Nujba, among the Iran-backed militia groups that attacked the US in Iraq, said there was “coordination” with Iran in launching the attack, but did not provide details.
Mahdi al-Kaabi said, “Since we are allies of the Islamic Republic, we have coordination with our brothers in the Islamic Republic.”
Knights said that in the recent war, key Iraqi militia leaders appeared to be withdrawing in the latest phase and not directly involved in the operation. According to militia officials, the American attacks largely killed mid-level commanders.
“No first-line leaders have been killed,” said a second militia officer, who was not authorized to provide information to journalists.
Instead of targeting top figures, the US also focused on Iranian Revolutionary Guard advisory cells, said Knights, who tracked the attacks. An attack in Baghdad’s posh Jadriya neighborhood killed three Guard advisers at a house used as their headquarters during a meeting, according to a second militia officer.
At the core of government efforts to rein in militia groups is a paradox: The groups the government says it cannot control are linked to the political parties that brought them to power.
The Coordination Framework, a coalition of influential pro-Iran Shia factions, helped install Mohammed Shia al-Sudani as prime minister in 2022. He now serves as acting Prime Minister amid a prolonged political deadlock.
Militia forces attacking American targets are not bad actors; They are part of the kingdom’s Popular Mobilization Forces, which was created after the fall of Mosul in 2014 to formalize the volunteer units that were key in defeating Islamic State.
The PMF has grown into a powerful force that surpasses the Iraqi Army, whose fighters receive state salaries and access to government resources, including weapons and intelligence. Critics say the result is a deep contradiction: Some state-funded groups act in line with Iranian priorities, even if doing so undermines Iraq’s national interests.
Al-Sudani’s office did not respond to AP requests for comment on decentralized control of militia groups.
A senior Iraqi Kurdish official and a Western diplomat said the US was focusing on curbing the power of these groups in Iraq, which would increase pressure on the government, which is still operating in a caretaker status. The diplomat also spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not allowed to brief journalists.
Last week, Iraq’s ambassador to the US was summoned to Washington to hear US condemnation of attacks by Iran-backed groups on US personnel and diplomatic missions, according to State Department deputy spokesman Tommy Bigot.
“The Deputy Secretary reaffirmed that the United States will not tolerate any attacks targeting its interests and expects the Iraqi government to immediately take all necessary measures to eliminate Iran-aligned militia groups,” Bigot said in a statement.
Al-Sudani has taken limited steps to curb the militia’s influence, including further institutionalizing the PMF and sometimes removing commanders who operate outside state authority. The efforts have faced significant resistance from militia groups.
Making them more institutionalized has further deepened their hold within the state. The US could try to separate the most radical factions – including Kata’ib Hezbollah, Harakat al-Nujaba and Kata’ib Sayyid al-Shuhada – from other factions within Iraq’s political system. A senior Iraqi Kurdish officer said, “A worse militia than a bad militia.”
Harakat al-Nujaba’s spokesman al-Kaabi offered a dual framing of the group’s position, emphasizing both its alignment with Iran and its claim to the legitimacy of the Iraqi state.
“To put it bluntly, we are allies of the Islamic Republic,” he said. He described the group as part of Iran’s regional “axis” along with Hezbollah in Lebanon and Ansar Allah in Yemen.
At the same time, he stressed that the group works within Iraq’s political system, supporting the state and government when they serve national interests.
“It is true that we are not affiliated with the government or the Prime Minister, but we respect the law and the Constitution,” he said.
